Charles Ungerleider, Professor Emeritus, The university of British Columbia
[permission
to reproduce granted if authorship is acknowledged]
Anti-racism, sex
education, gender identity, health and safety, and climate science are just
some of the issues dividing candidates for school trustee positions in the
United States. The rudeness and crudeness of electoral contests at the national
and state levels are increasingly infecting local school board electoral
contests.
That such issues
are arising in the US signals to me that citizens there lack a fundamental
understanding of the responsibilities of school boards as stewards of the
public school system. The division among candidates about the issues indicates
that they believe it is the job of a school board to determine the course of
study and classroom instruction. However, in many – if not all – states in the
US, responsibility for policy regarding such matters as academic standards,
curriculum, instructional materials, assessments, and accountability typically
resides in a state board of education not with local school boards.
School board candidates
in Canada hold similar misapprehensions about the responsibilities of school
trustees. You can see this from their campaign material. Candidates who appeal
for support by promising to “fix the schools” or to “take back the schools” or
offer more arts and music or STEM are promising what they cannot deliver. As is
the case in most US states, responsibility for curriculum rests with provincial
and territorial ministries or departments of education - not with local boards
of education.
In fact, most school
or education acts stipulate that it is the responsibility of school boards to
ensure that all students within the region served by the board receive the
basic education program. The basic program is usually spelled out in provincial
regulation, supported by a curriculum framework of goals and objectives with
delineated required topics or alternatives, approved instructional support
material, and specified time and credit allocations. Trustees do not determine these;
they provide oversight to the superintendent or director whose responsibility
it is to ensure compliance with provincial or state directives.
When newly elected
trustees take office, they are often surprised to discover that matters such as
those being contested by school board candidates in the United States are
beyond their control. Many are frustrated by this discovery. Some come to
understand the role of trustee better and can acclimate to the demands of the
office. Others complain about the constraints and condemn those – often the
superintendent or the director of education – who attempt to educate the
trustees about the constraints and opportunities of the office. Some believe
that they can overcome the guardrails established for the position by publicly
chastising school board staff and criticizing their fellow trustees who attempt
to enforce the rules and regulations.
I’ve written
that, while some Canadian school board elections are fiercely competitive, most
receive little attention from eligible voters. Voter turnout in municipal
elections is modest. Voter turnout for school boards even more so. Low voter
turn out makes it easier for a renegade group to sweep control of a school
board.
Ontario, Canada’s
most populous province, has 72 school boards that have a total of 688 trustees.
In 2018,
there were slightly more than two candidates for each available seat. But only
two thirds of the seats were contested (436/688). The remaining third of the
seats (247) was filled (“acclaimed” in electoral terms) by trustees who ran
unopposed, of whom more than three-quarters (192) were incumbents.
2018 Ontario School
Board Election Results |
Totals |
available seats |
688 |
candidates seeking
election |
1527 |
trustees acclaimed |
247 |
trustees elected |
436 |
returning trustees |
429 |
new trustees |
254 |
trustees newly elected
who were unopposed |
55 |
returning trustees
elected who were unopposed |
192 |
newly elected trustees |
199 |
returning elected
trustees. |
237 |
Several things
distinguish Canada from the US. For instance, the vaccination roll-out and
safety protocols, while not always handled well or uniformly across
jurisdictions, seem to be less contentious in Canada. While some politicians,
most notably in Alberta and Saskatchewan, have bowed to pressure from their
vocal political supporters to resist the imposition of either the vaccines or
the masks, most of the electorate in both provinces seem united in support of those
measures. At the Federal level, one candidate attempted to define vaccination
and personal protection as a matter of individual liberty. He increased his
vote marginally over the previous election but did not win the seat for which
he was running.
Another difference
between Canada and the United States is that Canadians are generally more
accepting and trusting of government institutions. They are also more willing
to accept that individual interests must be balanced by collective
responsibilities. A third is that public policy differences are relatively more
nuanced than sharply divisive. Canadian policy preferences are decidedly
centrist as evidenced by the similarities among the policies of most of Canada’s
major parties. For example, racism is more polarizing in the United States than
it is in Canada and Canadian citizens are seemingly more willing
to acknowledge institutional racism than those in the
US.
If it were not for
some of these moderating factors, rudeness, crudeness, and polarization could eventually
become characteristic of Canadian politics at the school board level. But
first, they would become evident at the federal and provincial levels. Canada
is not there, yet. Fortunately.